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About Sarah Palin

From my friend JB:

“The three lines on Sarah Palin:

1. Sarah Palin has a credibility problem. She LIED about supporting the bridge to nowhere in her very first speech to the American people.

2. Sarah Palin has a corruption problem. She ILLEGALLY FIRED a public official who refused to get involved in her revenge against a family member.

3. Sarah Palin has a patriotism problem. She has been involved with an Alaskan party whose stated goal is SEPARATING from the United States.

Go get ‘em, folks!”

There it is. 

All content above was posted on September 2, 2008
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Hope & History

History says, Don’t hope
on this side of the grave.
But then, once in a lifetime
the longed for tidal wave
of justice can rise up,
and hope and history rhyme.


— Seamus Heaney


I’ve always loved poetry and oratory. Always. In some ways, it’s what led me to get involved in politics. As a kid, I idolized men like John F. Kennedy and Franklin D. Roosevelt and Abraham Lincoln — men who, through sheer force of character and the ability to translate their thoughts into words both spoken & written, were able to change the course of American history.

Over the past week, I attended the Democratic National Convention. I also gave a small hand, when needed, so that the event would be a success.

My friend T. put it best: when you’re working on an event of this magnitude, watching it isn’t like being a fan of the team…it’s more like being a coach on the team. Sure, you’re enjoying watching everything unfold — but you’re more relieved that everything is going according to plan.

Conventions are, by definition, historic. Some are more historic than others: 1896, which saw the beginnings of modern Presidential campaigning, and which nominated the youngest-ever Presidential nominee; 1948, which saw Hubert Humphrey argue for the moral saliency of civil rights; 1968, which saw one party tear itself apart, and perhaps not fully recover until now; 1984, which saw the first woman nominated on a major ticket.

Others are less so, and that would encompass the vast majority of them (quick: whom did the Democrats nominate in 1904? Whom did the Republicans select in 1936? Answers at the end, but don’t cheat!).

I thought that, instead of writing another essay about that night, I’d instead tell you what I told a group of folks on Tuesday afternoon. I think it captures the spirit just as well, even though I think that Barack put it better than I could.

Before I forget, I want to thank all the people who made the convention possible and I want to thank all the people with whom I shared this moment. Being able to share it and be with all of you is one of the greatest gifts I can imagine; something like what we experienced this past week isn’t worth experiencing unless you have people you love spending time with sharing it alongside you. So, hey, thanks! And hopefully, I’ll see all of you soon, and we’ll be able to celebrate in style!

…Words simply can’t do justice to the magnitude of the moment when Barack ends his speech accepting the Democratic nomination two days from now. 45 years prior to that moment, a young preacher stood on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and spoke of someday seeing a nation where we would judge not by color, but by character.

We are still some measure of distance from that fabled nation; there are still rivers and hills lying before us in the pathways of our conscience and our heart; there are, however, oceans and mountains behind us.

We have two months of the hardest, most painful campaigning ahead of us. I have no doubt, no doubt whatsoever, that if each of us does what we must, we will be victorious.

The choice that awaits us is clear; indeed, it has never been so clear in my brief lifetime.

One choice leads to four more years of the last eight. Four more years of war, of desolation, of increasing debt and poverty for the people that we fight for.

And even though they talk of peace, and prosperity, and reform, we know that we cannot afford the kind of peace that has left nearly 7,000 Americans dead in 8 years; the kind of prosperity that has led to millions of lost jobs; and the kind of reform that led to the drowning of an American city.

The other choice leads, in essence, towards the fulfillment of the promise of American life. It is that simple. Anyone that’s heard me speak has heard me talk about that promise. I talk about it because it’s true.

It’s that promise that’s brought me to this point, speaking before you. I said that I was honored and humbled to be considered a “leader”, but the truth is, I’m no one special. I’m an American, just a man, grateful for the fact that this country took me in and cared for me at every juncture.

The promise of American life means just that: that we are all in this together. It’s the same promise that led women to fight for the right to be treated the same as men; that led slaves to struggle for the right to be counted as one man, instead of three-fifths of one; that led workers to demand an honest day’s wage for an honest day’s work; that led fifty-six men on a hot July afternoon to say that we were all created equal, and then led another thirty-nine to create a more perfect union.

All of us, standing and sitting in this room, are living testimony to the promise of American life. But in order to achieve the greater fulfillment of that promise, we will have to do what is immensely more difficult.

146 years ago, Congress asked of Lincoln, asking him how he sought to win a war that sundered homes across this land. Lincoln responded by saying,

…We can succeed only by concert. It is not “can any of us imagine better?” but, “can we all do better?” The dogmas of the quiet past, are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise — with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.

I say again: “As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act anew. We *must* disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.”

I am loath to close, but close I must, else we won’t break bread. I close with the words of an Irish poet, words that some of you might have heard on the campaign trail which led us to this magnificent moment.

…History says, Don’t hope
on this side of the grave.
But then, once in a lifetime
the longed for tidal wave
of justice can rise up,
and hope and history rhyme.


First on Thursday, then in November, and at last in January, we will see that tidal wave.

It will only crest, however, if we bend our shoulders to the arc of history, and make hope and history rhyme.

Thank you, and Godspeed.

Answers: 1904, the Democratic ticket was Alton B. Parker of NY, and Henry G. Davis of WV (who, at 84, makes McCain look like a youth); in 1936, the Republican ticket was Alf Landon of KS and Frank Knox of IL.

All content above was posted on August 31, 2008
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I will be a pro-life president.

John McCain, at Saddleback Church’s forum on 8/16/08.

It doesn’t get more clear than this: if you claim to value a woman’s right to choose, and yet you choose to support McCain’s White House bid, then you don’t value that right — not even a little bit.

All content above was posted on August 16, 2008
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What a crock...

So, word’s trickling out that the Chinese women’s gymnastics team is really the Chinese girls’ gymnastics team. You have to be 16 the year of the Olympiad in order to compete, and these athletes don’t look it. 

The IOC is taking the Chinese government’s word for it, except that, given that China’s a one-party dictatorship, their word’s worth squat. Seriously — there’s no way to verify that these girls are of age. 

Ergo, my Facebook status: these Olympics are a crock. If China’s going to cheat so that they wind up with the medal lead, what’s the point? The Chinese are making a mockery of these Games. My off-line prediction for these games looks to stand: these games are going to be remembered in the same vein as the 1936 Berlin Games — utterly corrupt, and worthy only of being a cautionary note.  

All content above was posted on August 14, 2008
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http://www.obamaclark.com

Like most folks, I think this is a highly unlikely pairing…but, hoo boy, if it were to come to pass, it would instantly accomplish two things:

  1. Most everyone I know would be beyond fired up.
  2. It would royally piss off Mad Jack McCain’s real base.

All content above was posted on August 1, 2008
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SHE & HIM

Two things I believe to be true:

  1. Zooey Deschanel is criminally cute.
  2. The video for “Why” is pretty damn creepy.
All content above was posted on July 18, 2008
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The DNC rips McSame a new one.
All content above was posted on July 9, 2008
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[Flash 9 is required to listen to audio.]

Seriously, as my main man Paul Waldman said, only Marvin Gaye could pull off the Star Spangled Banner.

Below, you’ll find Patrick Henry’s “Liberty or Death” speech. I was in fourth grade, trying to learn English, when I memorized this oration. I remember it like it was yesterday. Henry’s one of those Original Dads that’s kind of remembered in an “oh, by the way” sense.

That’s a bit unfair — he was stoutly opposed to the adoption of the Constitution, and, indeed, helped write The Anti-Federalist Papers, which argued against the Constitution. He was also, as the speech below indicates, a fiery orator. No less a character than Thomas Jefferson said,

“Although it was difficult, when [Henry] had spoken, to tell what he had said, yet, while speaking, it always seemed directly to the point. When he had spoken in opposition to my opinion, had produced a great effect, and I myself had been highly delighted and moved, I have asked myself, when he ceased, ‘What the devil has he said?’ and could never answer the inquiry.”

Above, if you click on play, you’ll hear Marvin Gaye singing our national anthem. As Paul said, and tons of singers have found out to their detriment, The Star Spangled Banner is a musical travesty: you have to have a phenomenal range to carry it off successfully (it’s an octave-and-a-half in range). Moreover, it’s common for singers to forget some, or, from time to time, most of the words.

Gaye performed this version at the 1983 NBA All-Star Game. It’s a strikingly original rendition — it actually sounds smooth, and it never, ever fails to send chills up and down my arms.

All content above was posted on July 4, 2008
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NO 1 man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. 1

The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. 2

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. 3

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition 2 has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. 4

I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. 5

Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded, and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! 6

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us! 7

They tell us, sir, that we are weak—unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? 8

Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature has placed in our power. Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, air, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! 3 The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come! 9
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace—but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! 4 Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! 5

Patrick Henry, “Speech at St. John’s Church”, 1775. Copied from Bartleby’s. Notes follow.

Note 1. Delivered on March 23, 1775, before the Second Revolutionary Convention of Virginia, in the old church in Richmond. Of Patrick Henry’s famous “Treason” speech, made in the House of Burgesses in May, 1765, when he had introduced his resolutions against the Stamp Act, only a fragment has come down to us. We are told that in the midst of the debate he exclaimed, in a voice of thunder and with the look of a god, “Cæsar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and George the Third ——.” At this point the speaker of the House cried “treason,” and the word “treason” was echoed back from many parts of the House. Henry “faltered not for an instant, but rising to a loftier attitude and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis on the words, “may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it.” [back]

Note 2. The “Petition of Congress to the King,” voted on October 25, 1774. [back] Note 3. In the autumn of 1774 General Gage had begun to fortify Boston. [back] Note 4. The Battle of Lexington occurred less than a month after this “speech was delivered—that is, on April 19, 1775. [back] Note 5. William Wirt, the biographer of Henry, says that when Henry took his seat, “no murmur of applause was heard. The effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment several members started from their seats. The cry to arms! seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye. They became impatient of speech. Their souls were on fire for action.”

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1. Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have.

2. Never go outside the experience of your people. It may result in confusion, fear and retreat.

3. Wherever possible go outside the experience of the enemy. Here you want to cause confusion, fear and retreat.

4. Make the enemy live up to his/her own book of rules.

5. Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.

6. A good tactic is one that your people enjoy.

7. A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag.

8. Keep the pressure on, with different tactics and actions and utilize all events of the period for your purpose.

9. The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.

10. The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition.

11. If you push a negative hard and deep enough it will break through into it’s counterside.

12. The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative.

13. Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it and polarize it.

(from Rules for Radicals, by Saul Alinsky)

It’s funny that for someone as radical as Alinsky, the most faithful adherents to these 13 principles are some of the most reactionary people in American politics. Stuff like this isn’t ideologically left or right, nor is it meant to be.

My belief is that a radical, in the Alinsky sense, is someone who seeks fundamental, basic change in the system, whether that change favors the Right or the Left.

When I say that it’s funny, I mean it in the strange sense. Food for thought: how many candidates, how many progressive campaigns, have you participated in where most, if not all of these 13 rules were shattered?

And we wonder why we lost Congress for 12 years, we blew health care, and have elected two Democrats to the Presidency in 40 years.

All content above was posted on July 3, 2008