I will be a pro-life president.
―
John McCain, at Saddleback Church’s forum on 8/16/08.
It doesn’t get more clear than this: if you claim to value a woman’s right to choose, and yet you choose to support McCain’s White House bid, then you don’t value that right — not even a little bit.
So, word’s trickling out that the Chinese women’s gymnastics team is really the Chinese girls’ gymnastics team. You have to be 16 the year of the Olympiad in order to compete, and these athletes don’t look it.
The IOC is taking the Chinese government’s word for it, except that, given that China’s a one-party dictatorship, their word’s worth squat. Seriously — there’s no way to verify that these girls are of age.
Ergo, my Facebook status: these Olympics are a crock. If China’s going to cheat so that they wind up with the medal lead, what’s the point? The Chinese are making a mockery of these Games. My off-line prediction for these games looks to stand: these games are going to be remembered in the same vein as the 1936 Berlin Games — utterly corrupt, and worthy only of being a cautionary note.
Like most folks, I think this is a highly unlikely pairing…but, hoo boy, if it were to come to pass, it would instantly accomplish two things:
Two things I believe to be true:
Seriously, as my main man Paul Waldman said, only Marvin Gaye could pull off the Star Spangled Banner.
Below, you’ll find Patrick Henry’s “Liberty or Death” speech. I was in fourth grade, trying to learn English, when I memorized this oration. I remember it like it was yesterday. Henry’s one of those Original Dads that’s kind of remembered in an “oh, by the way” sense.
That’s a bit unfair — he was stoutly opposed to the adoption of the Constitution, and, indeed, helped write The Anti-Federalist Papers, which argued against the Constitution. He was also, as the speech below indicates, a fiery orator. No less a character than Thomas Jefferson said,
“Although it was difficult, when [Henry] had spoken, to tell what he had said, yet, while speaking, it always seemed directly to the point. When he had spoken in opposition to my opinion, had produced a great effect, and I myself had been highly delighted and moved, I have asked myself, when he ceased, ‘What the devil has he said?’ and could never answer the inquiry.”
Above, if you click on play, you’ll hear Marvin Gaye singing our national anthem. As Paul said, and tons of singers have found out to their detriment, The Star Spangled Banner is a musical travesty: you have to have a phenomenal range to carry it off successfully (it’s an octave-and-a-half in range). Moreover, it’s common for singers to forget some, or, from time to time, most of the words.
Gaye performed this version at the 1983 NBA All-Star Game. It’s a strikingly original rendition — it actually sounds smooth, and it never, ever fails to send chills up and down my arms.
NO 1 man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. 1
The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. 2
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. 3
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition 2 has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. 4
I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. 5
Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded, and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! 6
In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be freeóif we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contendingóif we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtainedówe must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us! 7
They tell us, sir, that we are weakóunable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? 8
Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature has placed in our power. Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, air, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! 3 The war is inevitableóand let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come! 9
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peaceóbut there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! 4 Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! 5
―
Patrick Henry, “Speech at St. John’s Church”, 1775. Copied from Bartleby’s. Notes follow.
Note 1. Delivered on March 23, 1775, before the Second Revolutionary Convention of Virginia, in the old church in Richmond. Of Patrick Henryís famous ìTreasonî speech, made in the House of Burgesses in May, 1765, when he had introduced his resolutions against the Stamp Act, only a fragment has come down to us. We are told that in the midst of the debate he exclaimed, in a voice of thunder and with the look of a god, ìCÊsar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and George the Third óó.î At this point the speaker of the House cried ìtreason,î and the word ìtreasonî was echoed back from many parts of the House. Henry ìfaltered not for an instant, but rising to a loftier attitude and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis on the words, ìmay profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it.î [back]
Note 2. The ìPetition of Congress to the King,î voted on October 25, 1774. [back] Note 3. In the autumn of 1774 General Gage had begun to fortify Boston. [back] Note 4. The Battle of Lexington occurred less than a month after this ìspeech was deliveredóthat is, on April 19, 1775. [back] Note 5. William Wirt, the biographer of Henry, says that when Henry took his seat, ìno murmur of applause was heard. The effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment several members started from their seats. The cry to arms! seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye. They became impatient of speech. Their souls were on fire for action.î1. Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have.
2. Never go outside the experience of your people. It may result in confusion, fear and retreat.
3. Wherever possible go outside the experience of the enemy. Here you want to cause confusion, fear and retreat.
4. Make the enemy live up to his/her own book of rules.
5. Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.
6. A good tactic is one that your people enjoy.
7. A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag.
8. Keep the pressure on, with different tactics and actions and utilize all events of the period for your purpose.
9. The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.
10. The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition.
11. If you push a negative hard and deep enough it will break through into it’s counterside.
12. The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative.
13. Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it and polarize it.
(from Rules for Radicals, by Saul Alinsky)
It’s funny that for someone as radical as Alinsky, the most faithful adherents to these 13 principles are some of the most reactionary people in American politics. Stuff like this isn’t ideologically left or right, nor is it meant to be.
My belief is that a radical, in the Alinsky sense, is someone who seeks fundamental, basic change in the system, whether that change favors the Right or the Left.
When I say that it’s funny, I mean it in the strange sense. Food for thought: how many candidates, how many progressive campaigns, have you participated in where most, if not all of these 13 rules were shattered?
And we wonder why we lost Congress for 12 years, we blew health care, and have elected two Democrats to the Presidency in 40 years.
http://www.denverfordarfur.org ↪
If you’re in Denver in late August, and you find yourself with a hankering to attend one of the many millions of parties that will be taking place on account of the Democratic Convention, you can’t do better than go to this one. And for just $250, you get to hang with Willie in The Champagne Room. Yes, that Willie. And not just that, but in one of the iconic places to watch a concert — Red Rocks.
So pony up the bills, y’all, ‘cause all the money goes to a good cause.
Rafael Noboa Rivera, 31, is a writer, veteran and political activist. An essayist and public speaker, he was a contributing author to Millennial Manifesto (Basic Books, 2001), and is currently working on a second book of essays concerning his experiences in Iraq. You can find some of his writings at SquareState, Scholars & Rogues, and Vet Voice.
As a veteran, Noboa served in the United States Army for almost seven years. He served in some of the world's most dangerous spots, ranging from Korea's Demilitarized Zone to Iraq's Sunni Triangle.
As a political activist, he's been active in campaigns ranging from the courthouse to the White House. His areas of political concentration include veterans' affairs (where he's been fighting to make sure returning veterans receive the care and benefits they earned in service) and national security affairs (notably the intersection of civil-military affairs). Since 2006, he has been a featured speaker for Campus Progress' Speaker's Bureau on the Iraq War.
A native Puerto Rican, he is a current student and presently lives in Denver, Colorado.
Random brief thoughts here
A current resume can be found here.
Send comments here